Wednesday, March 2, 2011

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Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria: The army, the people, power

Rais tense, clenching Rais

Now then, responding to the millions of Egyptians and Egyptians shouting (françaoui in Tunis in the text): "releases", "Mubarak said" I remain. " Another moment. As long as he can. And apparently he thinks he can still, at least until the elections. Facing him, a whole people and between power and this movement: the army, financed and equipped for $ 1.3 billion in 2010) by the United States, whose chief of staff is a general pro America. Mubarak remains until the elections? He probably obtained the permission of the army and its guardians.

For Chavez, how Mubarak?

"We are witnessing a real revolution," says the Egyptian writer Alaa Al Aswany: "In every city, every village in Egypt, people are in the streets" to demand not only from Mubarak but also "a real social change", "a new Egypt, just and egalitarian." Mubarak's departure, the army can accept. It can even organize and the cause. But the "real social change? It is indeed a revolution, because that is the awakening of a people, what we are witnessing in Egypt at this time. A revolution that, whatever some commentators write alarmed, has little to do with the Iranian revolution. The Egyptian revolution, which one yet knows how far it will go and get it, is not Islamic (the Iranian revolution was not, moreover, not only before being captured by the Shiite clergy) . And Egypt is not Iran. Islam and Egyptian Sunni Islam is not the Iranian Shia. There is no clergy in Egypt (if not the Coptic clergy, out of the race) to oversee a revolution. And the Muslim Brotherhood have been as much as other opposition forces overwhelmed by a movement they had neither expected nor desired, if they try to start a train that is not theirs.
"Get out," said Egypt's president. "No, not right away," says Mubarak. But this is not because he does not want to leave there will not eventually forced: Tunisia has shown that the head of a regime autocratic, plutocratic and kleptocratic, if the scheme itself, can be reversed. However, Tunisia has also shown that for that to happen, without the revolution to go further we are ready, on the fringes of power and contested in states that sponsor it, to see her go, Army is essentially a key that opens or closes, or ajar, the door of democracy. But since the coup of 1952 that overthrew the monarchy, they are still members who were at the head of the Egyptian State: Naguib, Nasser, Sadat, Mubarak ... And in no country Arab (or Arab-Berber), the army has been gained independence, something other than an instrument of power, when not the power itself. In Algeria, the army seized power (and rent) from the overthrow of Ben Bella. In Tunisia, it has dropped Ben Ali when it was impossible to do otherwise. And the Arab world is not the only victim of the military-or Arab objections the only victims of the illusion that the people are armed with a weapon, and therefore a democratic force. And the Arab armies are not the only objects of this illusion : Mosques were also decked out in a suit far too democratic for them and for the hopes placed in them. Arab armies, no more than any other "regular" army, are not armies of people they are the armies of states, and as long as they want, or they can not do otherwise, the armies powers in place. Perhaps the leaders of the Egyptian army will drop they Mubarak, having found as Alaa El Aswany that "what makes an effective dictatorship, not repression, not the police, is fear of the police ". No doubt the army, whose leaders have called a "legitimate" popular demands, it is now quite happy to be standing between the protesters and police, and she plans to open a transition policy, but beyond this limit, the Democratic ticket is out of date: it may indeed be revolutionaries in the army (but for Chavez, how Mubarak?), it will not make that army a revolutionary army, if it can make the army that shut off the revolution, without crushing, giving him a little, not too much, what it requires: a Mubarak, for example.

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